IMF hails Malawi on aid usage
By DANIEL NYIRENDA - 24 August 2007 - 08:35:05

An International Monetary Fund (IMF) senior official has hailed Malawi for being a good user of foreign aid inflows.

Benedicte Christensen, Deputy Director of the African Department, said Malawi has plans for using additional donor inflows.

Briefing members of international NGOs early this month through a conference call, he singled out the Sector Wide Approach (SWAp), a health sector donor supported programme aimed at ensuring that the health sector has enough resources to avoid brain drain.

He said the sectoral programme was particularly developed in Malawi such that there are advance plans for how money could be spent.

Christensen said the country’s PRGF-supported programme has a wage bill ceiling that is a performance criterion.

IMF employs wage bill ceilings in a number of Fund-supported programmes, especially when wage dynamics threaten macroeconomic stability and when a country's budgetary and other control systems are weak.

According to Christensen, an adjuster applies to that wage bill ceiling and would allow for additional expenditure under the SWAp programme, in case additional donor funds emerge during the programme period.

“In other countries cases, this is not the case. As you probably know, the health sector is one of the weaker ones in many of the African countries. It is weak on administrative capacity, on the ability for planning.

“So, therefore, if there is a good case with good plans for spending additional aid money, it can be spent, and that is the case in Malawi. In other cases where we don't have that well-developed sectoral programme, we have reviews every six months and those reviews under the programmes do allow us to look at the spending, also social spending,” Christensen says in a transcript posted on IMF website.

During the conference call, several IMF officials emphasised on the need for low-income countries to make full use of aid inflows through increased spending and absorption.

Mark Plant, Deputy Director of Policy Development and Review Department, said the IMF board reaffirmed that the Fund needs to work with low-income countries to create an enabling environment for full use of aid.

“When we talk about spending, we are talking about the government making room for increased spending as a result of the inflow of aid, so that the government budget expenditures on health and education, and whatever the aid is going to be used for, increases,” Plant said.

The absorption, Plant said, is when aid given to a country effects a transfer of real resources, real goods and services from abroad into the country- drugs to combat malaria or HIV/Aids or it could be that the foreign exchange is used through the private sector, so the private sector then increases its absorption of foreign resources.

He said in that way aid could be helpful, when resources move from abroad into the low-income country.

Sanjeev Gupta, Senior Advisor in the Fiscal Affairs Department said effective use of aid inflows might require some aid to be saved temporarily, but there are limits to how much a country can save.

“Donors have an interest in seeing that resources they transfer are, in fact, used for intended purposes, and there are domestic political pressures in aid-receiving countries to spend aid to improve economic and social outcomes,” Gupta said.

Mixed reactions in Africa’s anti-graft fight

Written by Joseph Kayira

Friday, 24 August 2007

Anti-corruption campaigns are increasingly geared towards silencing leaders' political opponents, say accused... Cases in countries such as South Africa, Malawi, Zambia and Nigeria show that in the course of removing the rot from the public service and instilling fiscal discipline instilling fiscal discipline, African leaders will apply all sorts of deception – be it politics or petty jealousies. In June 2005, South African President Thabo Mbeki sacked his deputy of six years Jacob Zuma after his former financial adviser, Schabir Shaik was convicted on fraud and corruption charges. Zuma has since been charged with graft himself. Apart from the graft case, the African National Congress (ANC) deputy president was saved by the courts when he was accused of raping an HIV-positive family friend. The verdict saved Zuma who was once seen as Mbeki’s successor in 2009 from political oblivion. He remains a widely popular figure but despite this broad appeal the rape case and the pending graft charges, will make it almost impossible for Zuma to recover his former prominence. “I think the judicial proceedings have been beyond reproach, but whether this means that Zuma political future is still intact is still in question,” said Ebrahim Fakir, senior researcher at the Centre for Policy Studies at the time. Zuma an ethnic Zulu from Kwazulu-Natal province has been instrumental in mediating for peace between the ANC and the Zulu-dominated Inkatha Freedom Party at the height of violence in the 1990s. His position in the ANC strikes a tribal balance in an organization dominated by leaders from the Xhosa tribe of freedom icon Nelson Mandela and Mbeki. Further north in Malawi, President Bingu wa Mutharika has been touted as an economic engineer who is poised to transform the economy of the tiny southern Africa nation. The IMF and the World Bank, which act as catalysts for donors to release funds for development are pleased with Mutharika’s economic programme. He has made headlines the world over for his tough stance on corruption and he describes it as a cancer that is affecting prospects for economic growth. “It is appalling that some Malawians engage in corrupt practices as a way of promoting their personal selfish economic and financial gains at the expense of national goals and aspirations,” explains Mutharika. Determined to fight corruption in all its forms, Mutharika has pounced on former president Bakili Muluzi who he accuses of plundering public resources in the 10 years he was in office from 1994 to 2004. Vice President Cassim Chilumpha too has not been spared the rod. He is currently under house arrest for plotting to assassinate Mutharika. Government has also shown interest to pursue “the education scam case” in which millions of dollars went down the drain through dubious contracts when Chilumpha was Minister of Education in the Muluzi administration. While both Chilumpha and Muluzi acknowledge that corruption hinders economic growth because it increases the cost of economic transactions including investment processes they deny any wrongdoing and feel they are victims of a political witch hunt disguised as a fight against corruption. Just next door in Zambia, former president Frederick Chiluba accused of siphoning $488,000 while in office. As soon as he assumed the high office, his handpicked successor Levy Mwanawasa launched an anti graft campaign which has seen the ex-president and his associates answering charges on corruption. Just last week, a British judge found Chiluba and his associates guilty of siphoning $46m from the treasury. Chiluba, whose wife will also be tried in July for buying properties with money stolen from state coffers, says the court order “bordered on racism”. Following the ruling Chiluba is personally expected to return $41m. Information and broadcasting minister, Mike Mlongoti says Chiluba must return the money or his property will be seized. “The attorney general would file papers to issue a seizure notice for the funds which were frozen in 2006 in Britain, Belgium and other parts of the world,” he said. In West Africa, outgoing Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo has had a sour relationship with former Vice President Atiku Abubakar all in the name of fighting corruption. The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) accused Abubakar of diverting public funds and that he should be indicted for corruption. Obasanjo wanted the Senate to exploit a clause in the Constitution which says that a person cannot qualify for elections as president if indicted for fraud. Apparently, it was a calculated move to block Abubakar from contesting the presidential poll, recently won by ruling People’s Democratic Party (PDP) candidate Yar’Adua. The accusations were part of a long running battle for supremacy in the PDP. Abubakar, who was saved by the courts, accused Obasanjo of wishing to hold on to power beyond his constitutional mandate. Obasanjo steps down after failing to successfully stay for a third term. He wanted another term of office fearing his policy of economic reform could be reversed after he retires. Such is the state of affairs in African democracies and it remains to be seen if leaders will rise above politics in their quest to root out corruption in all its forms.

Malawi to donate, sell maize surplus - president

Tue 21 Aug 2007, 5:36 GMT

[-] Text [+]

BLANTYRE (Reuters) - Malawi will sell its surplus maize or donate it to food-short neighbours, President Bingu wa Mutharika was quoted as saying on Monday.

Malawi is enjoying its second surplus harvest in a row, with a crop of 3.4 million tonnes, 1.3 million more than the national requirement.

But the opposition has questioned plans to donate food aid to neighbours when two of the country's own districts are suffering from shortages after their output was destroyed by floods.

Officials have said they have started distributing food to these regions but communities say they see little evidence of that.

Mutharika said his government, which has already sold 400,000 tonnes of the staple grain to Zimbabwe, would donate 10,000 tonnes of maize Lesotho and Swaziland.

"Is it wrong giving this maize to people who require food," Mutharika said in The Nation newspaper on Monday.

2009 too far

by GEORGE KASAKULA

Should we now wait for 2009 for the feud that is going on between the government and MCP and UDF to be resolved once and for all? Does it mean this is the penalty that the country has to pay for Bakili Muluzi’s mistake to impose a minority government on the country after he imposed Bingu wa Mutharika on UDF and the president left the party with some MPs?

I am saying all this because it is now clear that it will take something to break the impasse that is rocking the country. Government refused to sign the Memorandum Of Agreement facilitated by the clergy which, among other things, could have ensured that the budget is discussed now and passed as soon as possible, something that government wants.

In turn government could have made sure that Parliament is not closed until Section 65 is applied as the opposition MCP and UDF want.

Yes, Parliament has started discussing the budget but I say here it is all cosmetic and we have a long way to go before we have a full 2007/08 budget. Hasn’t MCP gone to court to challenge government for withdrawing from the Consolidated Account. Don’t they want an injunction stopping government from spending? It can take anything to spark another row and we would be back to square one.

You just have to see how MCP and UDF behaved just before they were outmanoeuvred and forced to discuss the budget. Led by their commander John Tembo, they demanded that government brings a financial resolution to validate its unauthorised spending before they could discuss the budget.

It is only pro-government MPs who responded to the budget on Tuesday before MCP and UDF fell into line on Wednesday, something that does not inspire confidence at all and does not bode well for the future.

The question is for how long and how much is the country going to pay for the personal feud of Muluzi, Bingu, and Tembo. Is it until 2009 (or is it sooner as Bingu is suggesting)?.

The budget and Section 65 are only a means for UDF and MCP to get even with Bingu. For how else do you explain an opposition that is constantly looking for excuses to block the budget at all costs. What was their interest for the tune to change from Section 65 to financial resolution to normalise the expenditure? Of course, expenditure must be legalised but why not do it by discussing the whole budget? What crime have we committed in the eyes of UDF and MCP not to have a budget two months after a new financial year?

My conclusion. We have not committed any crime. We are merely paying for Bingu’s "crime" committed to leave UDF and its Muluzi. The penalty of the "crime" cannot be paid in full until 2009 when the three will sort each other out at the poll. Some of my readers think it should be earlier and I understand them.

One of them, Matthew Timms wrote: Malawi needs a general election now to give the victor genuine authority...a mandate from the people.

Another one, Grant, was even forthright when he wrote: To Backbencher, Raw Stuff and My Diary. The truth of the matter is what the Bencher has written that JZU and Bakili think they can get the presidency. Even our children know the problem. That is why come 2009 Malawi will become a one-party state if UDF and MCP do not change leadership. The gentleman had no roots until when the issue of Section 65 was given preference.

The sad part is that before 2009 (Bingu wishes it were nearer), the feud of the three people is causing great damage to the country and in turn affecting all of us?

There is already a paralysis in some institutions like Malawi Electoral Commission which has no quorum as the commissioners Bingu appointed are being challenged in court by MCP and UDF who argue they were not consulted during their appointments. There is also paralysis in the Judiciary as this arm of government has no Chief Justice. Government is afraid of bringing nominee Lovemore Munlo to Parliament for fear of his being rejected like so many other worth Malawian men and women before him who were merely rejected for nothing else apart from the opposition throwing weight around and getting even with Bingu. So too was Steven Mchenga for auditor general, Tumalisye Ndovi for ACB director, the list is endless.

These innocent men and women were casualties of a war they do not have a clue about. They are being denied the honour of serving their country in various capacities simply because of a personal feud of three people.

While all this is happening, the donors are watching. We cannot access their free money unless there is a budget. And yet MCP and UDF are clearly unfazed. Why should they when their plan to squeeze Bingu and get even with him is working perfectly? They do not care what happens to the rest of us.

We can only wait for 2009 so that all this is settled once and for all for the people. But it looks is a bit too far for comfort.

Budget debate: Opposition praises govt
by NATION REPORTER (8/16/2007)

After almost four months of political bickering, Members of Parliament on Wednesday sobered up and spoke on the same wavelength, giving hope to Malawians that the 2007/2008 national budget would finally be approved.

Spokespersons on finance from main opposition Malawi Congress Party (MCP) Respicious Dzanjalimodzi and Friday Jumbe of the United Democratic Front (UDF) set the promising tone by praising the Bingu wa Mutharika administration for achieving remarkable economic growth and turning the country into a foodbasket, after years of food insecurity, among other achievements.

Dzanjalimodzi—who nevertheless expressed disappointment that the government side had refused the House to discuss a financial resolution allowing the Executive to withdraw money from the Consolidated Fund to cover operations for three months—said Malawi was regaining its status of a "star performer" which is reminiscent of the Kamuzu Banda era.

Both Dzanjalimodzi and Jumbe commended government for the fertiliser subsidy programme which they said has yielded tangible results, despite some logistical problems it faced.

Dzanjalimodzi asked Finance Minister Goodall Gondwe, who listened attentively to the contributions, smiling at some points when patted on the back for a job well-done, to consider reducing the value added tax (VAT) currently at 17.5 percent and increase the tax-free bracket for employees so that they have more disposable income.

Like his colleague, Jumbe also urged the government to consider increasing the Constituency Development Fund from K2 million to K5 million.

He said he would accept the 2007/2008 budget as being pro-poor if only it improves the buying power of ordinary Malawians and brings about infrastructural development in all sectors of the economy.

President of People’s Progressive Movement (PPM) Aleke Banda also expressed optimism for a better Malawi, saying macro-economic indicators during the Mutharika administration have improved tremendously compared to other countries within the Sadc region.

He said he was happy that after facing a lot of turbulence, the House was now able to discuss the budget, which would benefit all Malawians regardless of their political affiliations.

"It is, therefore, my hope that political will, good economic policies and their implementation should continue as we implement the 2007/2008 budget. My plea is that despite our political differences, all honourable members should deliberate the budget objectively and close ranks on areas that we can quickly reach agreement," Aleke said without interjections and noise that have been the trademark of parliamentarians since they started meeting on-and-off three months ago.

Aleke, however, expressed concern over the high vacancy rates in key ministries and government departments, wondering how the government would operate effectively.

"Definitely, the pace, quality and value for delivery of the budget will suffer with these high vacancy rates," he cautioned.

Aleke said there are hundreds of young Malawians with diplomas and degrees loafing around because government is not willing to recruit them due to lack of work experience.

"Rather than emphasise on experience for the new entrants in the public service, I suggest that we establish tailored on-the-job training initiatives and revival of well-planned induction courses at the Staff Development Institute at Mpemba [and] also utilise the Malawi Institute of Management [Mim].

As if they had not been on each other’s neck, the MPs from both sides shared jokes and shook hands during tea break and after Speaker Louis Chimango adjourned proceedings to this morning, where Alliance for Democracy (Aford) lone legislator Loveness Gondwe and others are expected to continue with debate on the budget.

A beautiful flame that kills
by MZATI NKOLOKOSA (8/16/2007)

He is so attractive, an irresistible, little flame that attracts moths. But it’s a flame that suffocates and all who don’t realise early enough, die.

Big Bullets (BB) seems to be a cursed football club. It had plans to go commercial, yet it has stayed three seasons without sponsorship, the very grease to roll the club to commercial levels.

Not long ago, BB was Bakili Bullets. It was the country’s richest team and the only club in recent years to spend a month training in the United Kingdom; visiting club houses and admiring their commercial status. Bakili Bullets wanted to go the same way. Then it seemed possible. Then it really did; not now, but then.

"Those were good, old days," recalls sports journalist Garry Chirwa. "I travelled with the team to the United Kingdom and we were booked in a four-star hotel in Birmingham. Every member of the 40-or-so delegation was getting a $50 daily allowance."

Such, says Garry, was the luxury and pomp that club chair Hassam Jussab had the cheek to arrange for a friendly match against crack English Premiership side Aston Villa.

The game failed but the players had something to cherish and Garry has fond memories.

"The players went to up-market shops where the likes of Wayne Rooney and Rio Ferdinand buy expensive designer clothes. When we were returning home, the team raised eyebrows at Heathrow Airport because of our excess luggage that even British Airways staff doubted the team’s ability to pay for the baggage. The airline was surprised later on to learn that money wasn’t an issue at all. The excess baggage had been paid for in full," says Garry.

The romance between Muluzi and the Bullets started on May 25, 2003, a year before the 2004 General Elections and was meant to last five years. It was an attractive package, somehow, for a team that was desperate for a sponsor.

There was a K15 million sponsorship. This was not much but the former president also promised to construct a K15 to K25 million stadium for the club. And on the day the sponsorship was launched, BB supporters from the North used K200,000 donated by Muluzi to travel from Mzuzu to Blantyre.

The team participated in the Confederation of East and Central Africa Football Associations (Cecafa) tourney and showed, for once, what good sponsorship does to anything, even football. Bakili Bullets also carried the former president’s name into the Caf Championships.

That, however, was four years ago. Today the club is, perhaps, the poorest. Today the land near Soche Technical College meant for the club’s stadium lies idle, as it has been always. Today, Kinnah Phiri, the coach the team attracted from Swaziland has returned into foreign lands in search of greener pastures. Muluzi withdrew sponsorship a year and months after the 2004 elections. Perhaps he wanted to use BB for campaign and it worked.

Since then, the club is struggling for survival, not even bare existence.

The days the club travelled from city to city in the UK are over. The days the team took supporters to cities in the region to cheer the team when it joined Cecafa and Caf Championship are no more. The days Muluzi promised players K75,000 each for a win in a game against Zambia’s Zanaco in Cecafa are gone. The days BB played teams like Enyimba of Nigeria are fast being forgotten.

On July 1, 2004, Muluzi gave BB players K100,000 each for performing well in the Caf Championships. BB was among the last eight teams. That was July 1 and on July 31, 30 days later, came a different headline: ‘Bullets in financial woes’. The team was failing to pay its coaches for six months, failing to settle transfer fee balances for nine players and failing to pay rental for using BAT ground.

Muluzi had spent K60 million and perhaps was tired. By August 2004 headlines on BB had changed from ‘BB to camp in UK’ to ‘BB fail to camp’ and this was not in UK but Mulanje. The club could not afford to lodge in Mulanje.

The former president was becoming angry with club officials and threatening to withdraw sponsorship not only from BB but from the Bakili Muluzi Super League. The club was being haunted by debt collectors that by August it was asking the then Sports Minister Henry Chimunthu Banda for money to participate in Caf champions League.

Then followed chaos. Players firing club executive committee, a meeting with sponsor—or the former sponsor, because Muluzi was no longer bank-rolling the club—failing.

Saturday 25 December, 2004, was supposed to be a happy day: end of week, Christmas and about end of year. But the headline in Weekend Nation was bad news: ‘Total chaos in BB’. January, 2005, was biting hard and BB’s patience with Muluzi was wearing out. He wanted audited accounts. He promised a starter pack but nothing came forth. It was money from player sales that was running the club.

By April, BB had a K9 million debt and in July the club cut ties with Muluzi, who claimed to have been taken by surprise. In November 2006, the club was rebuffed by President Bingu wa Mutharika.

Some months ago, two twin brothers who graduated from the University of Malawi a couple of years ago decided to take over the club in a relationship that was full of doubts and sour moments.

Those who love education wondered why the Msiska twin-brothers could not donate the K5 million they spent on Bullets to the Polytechnic Library to purchase books. The Cifu group was forced out of the deal by the club’s executive that wanted to deal with Petroda, a petroleum company that promised a K20 million sponsorship.

And just last week, the deal with Petroda flopped. The club remains poor with an uncertain future. Or, put plainly, without a future at all.

Big Bullets is now like torn curtains. Who has finished the Big Bullets? Perhaps the right question is: What is in Muluzi that finishes those who work for him (not with him) as the BB did? The club is just one example of how Muluzi appears attractive like a beautiful flame at dusk, attracting all kinds of insects longing for light soon after sunset. Yet this flame kills insects. And Muluzi has worked like that flame, killing the political or professional life of people and institutions.

Chakufwa Chihana

This late icon who fought for democracy in 1992 was a giant until he worked for Muluzi. He died politically long before his physical death in 2006.

Once Muluzi got into government in 1994, Chihana’s Alliance for Democracy (Aford) formed an alliance with the Malawi Congress party (MCP) to oppose the United Democratic Front (UDF) within and without the National Assembly. It was a scaring alliance.

"They have a hidden agenda," said Muluzi who later on invited Chihana into an alliance with UDF. Chihana was made second vice-president. (He remains the only Malawian to hold this position and it seems it was created for him and him only.) Some Aford officials, too, were offered Cabinet positions.

The whole story is that the political marriage between Aford and UDF lasted 20 months and Chihana lost some of the cream of Aford. The two parties remarried in 2002 when Muluzi was campaigning for life presidency disguised as Open Terms Bill. When this and the Third Term Bill failed, Chihana was used to campaign for President Bingu wa Mutharika.

By the end of 2004 Chihana was a spent force, forgotten and vanishing from the memory of history. He had been used and almost dumped and by the time he died, it was simply physical death, politically he had already been killed by Muluzi—the beautiful flame that burns all who carelessly fly close to it.

Gwanda Chakuamba

Once he came out of prison in 1992, he was a rising star, even when he joined the MCP to work with first president Dr Hastings Kamuzu Banda.

People had embraced multiparty democracy and forgiven the past in which Chakuamba worked. He was a revered opposition leader even as late as 2004 when he led Mgwirizano Coalition. That status changed when he formed an alliance with UDF soon after the elections.

That, then, seemed a noble cause especially when he became Minister of Agriculture in Bingu wa Mutharika’s administration.

But when Chakuamba was fired and begun to associate with Muluzi on impeachment, that became the first step on the last mile of Chakuamba’s political journey. Take note: the last mile started with associating with Muluzi, the beautiful flame that burns.

Now Chakuamba does not have political wings. They have been burnt by Muluzi. Now Chakuamba’s political mobility is on the shoulders of Muluzi.

Now Chakuamba is failing to make sense of the budget-Section 65 deadlock, two separate issues that the UDF and MCP are connecting. (It is also not wise to blame all opposition MPs as if they are talking nonsense on this: some, like Mark Katsonga, Justin Malewezi and Aleke Banda have offered sober thoughts on the impasse. These, too, are examples of people who worked with—not for—Muluzi and survived.)

The story is that once there was a politician called Gwanda Chakuamba. He worked with Kamuzu and remained strong. He worked with Mutharika and stayed above petty politics. He is working with Muluzi and has become a spent force.

Khwauli Msiska

Does anyone remember this name? He is remembered for one thing: that he moved the brazen Open Terms Bill in July 2002.

Immediately his name was in international media outlets and for a bad reason. He was, of course, rewarded with deputy minister position. But that was his end. He loved himself more than the country and Malawians know the place of such people: the political dustbin.

This is where he is now, forgotten and not remembered at all. He flew close to the beautiful flame that burns.

Lucius Banda

Malawi, like all countries, is a place of role models and bad examples. There are children born with a silver spoon in the mouth but who squandered all the money left by their parents, sold businesses and are now living on alms.

And there are those born in extreme poverty—like Lucius—who worked hard to become millionaires. (Do not be surprised, most of us are millionaires: just value your car, sofa, TV, beds and you will find they add to millions.) Lucius was a model not for people of Balaka only, but for all Malawians.

Once he joined politics, he was getting popular and Balaka had hope that one day a senior Cabinet minister will come from around Sosola.

What was wrong being a famous musician without an MSCE? He worked with Muluzi for years and later went a step ahead to work for Muluzi.

The flame had become too beautiful to be avoided. He had lost sight. There he was burnt. He needed an MSCE to contest for a parliamentary seat and the way to get it was not to sit (resit?) for the examinations, but to get a certificate with good grades.

Where is Lucius today? If he were not a musician who built a reputation for a decade, he would have been forgotten like Khwauli Msiska.

John Tembo

Fondly called JZU, Tembo is the longest serving MP in the Malawi National Assembly. This, though, seems to be the last term in Parliament for the veteran politician.

The reason is simple. He is working for Muluzi. Section 65 was there when Mutharika formed a coalition government with Republican Party. But Tembo didn’t make any noise. What has happened to Tembo that he should now want the Constitution followed?

He is working for Muluzi. Both Tembo and Muluzi are not happy with Mutharika’s performance. This is surprising because they were supposed to be happy so that they inherit a healthy economy in 2009 when they win as they claim.

The two were talking the same language at their rallies 10 days ago. This is not the first time Tembo has worked for Muluzi. The leader of opposition voted yes to the Open Term Bill. Muluzi had just bought pieces of cloth for the MCP women’s league. Now Tembo is working for Muluzi again to trouble the Mutharika administration.

It is funny because Mutharika has never had a peaceful time since he became President yet he has been performing. By fanning trouble on his government, the UDF and MCP are making Mutharika perform even better than before. Apart from the political turbulence, Mutharika had a sick wife for two years and he knew she was dying. But even then the office of the President was as functional as if everything was fine.

Does JZU believe Section 65 is the best weapon to make himself popular among Malawians? This is the faulty thinking of Muluzi.

There are those who believe Muluzi is a good public speaker. Right. But his actions scare away people. While he was president, he collided with the NGO community and Malawians. Thousands chanted against third term campaign.

The same people who were against Muluzi as president are against him as retired president. His policies remain for personal gain not for the people of Malawi. Tembo has fallen into this trap and is fast losing popularity—the end of a man who has been in politics for decades.

Conclusion

Muluzi is like a candle that is about to burn completely and he knows that; which is why he has become a beautiful flame to kill the political or professional life of hundreds before he is forgotten by the memory of history. It does not matter your profession. Be it a lawyer, journalist, football team, politician, institution—whatever, your life gets chocked once you work for Muluzi.

Big Bullets can testify. Or ask John Chikakwiya.

McConnell quits to fight Africa poverty

ANDREW PICKEN

JACK McCONNELL today quit as Scottish Labour leader to take up his "dream job" of fighting poverty in Africa with Bill Clinton and Sir Tom Hunter.

The former First Minister is to take on a voluntary role, heading up education programmes in both Malawi and Rwanda.

It was announced later Mr McConnell would become the next British High Commissioner to Malawi after being nominated by Prime Minister Gordon Brown.

The former teacher and Education Minister has long held an interest in Africa, and two years ago launched a Scottish Executive programme to help tackle poverty in Malawi.

He will join the Clinton Hunter Development Initiative (CHDI), working with the former US President and the Scottish entrepreneur in their drive to tackle poverty, climate change and key world issues.

Mr McConnell, who is tipped for a peerage in the New Year's Honour's list, told the Evening News today: "My two great passions are education and tackling poverty in Africa, so if there is anything I could have chosen to do then it would have been this. It's an absolute dream job."

Announcing his resignation at a ten-minute press conference in Our Dynamic Earth later, he said it had been "an honour" to lead the party since the early years of devolution.

"Scotland is a far better place now than it was six years ago. We are more prosperous and more confident as a nation.

"But today, after accepting an offer last week to help improve education for some of the poorest children in the world, I am resigning from my position as Labour Leader in Scotland with immediate effect.

"All my life I've wanted a Scottish Parliament, and a chance to change Scotland. I'm pleased to have made my contribution to that."

He added: "The Scottish Labour Party needs to respond to the election defeat in May and hear what the Scottish people had to tell us.

"We need to re-engage with our people to develop the policies and the approach which will rebuild our support, because those with the least need us to be successful."

Sir Tom welcomed Mr McConnell to the new role with CHDI , which will see him lead research and project development on educational services in the two countries.

"The Board of CHDI welcomes Jack and looks forward to his contribution to our thinking and strategy in regards to supporting educational development in Rwanda and Malawi," he said.

"Jack's credentials in addressing this huge challenge require no explanation.

"It's now all about rolling up the sleeves and getting on with assisting us and our government partners in defining a sustainable, scalable and affordable solution to the challenges both countries face in education."

Just hours after Mr McConnell formally stepped down, the Prime Minister announced his intention to make Mr McConnell a high commissioner.

Mr McConnell will continue serve as MSP while the current High Commissioner, Richard Wildash, completes his posting, scheduled to end in 2009.

The President of Malawi also welcomed the proposal.

“I’ve received a very kind offer from the Prime Minister to have a role in the future in Malawi that would be very special,” Mr McConnell said. “I’m delighted to accept that opportunity.

“I’m sure in addition to representing the UK government there, it would be a real opportunity to further enhance the relationship between Scotland and Malawi and to support those thousands of Scots that are now involved in partnerships with Malawian organisations and people from Malawi on the ground.”

Mr Brown said today Scotland had developed a special connection with the people of Malawi and said Mr McConnell would be suited to the role of High Commissioner.

“I know he cares passionately about two of the great issues of international development – the relief of poverty and the provision of education.

“I believe that he will make an excellent representative of the United Kingdom Government in Malawi and I am pleased he has accepted the Government’s offer of the position of High Commissioner to Malawi, after the present High Commissioner completes his posting at an appropriate moment.”

The appointment is subject to approval of the Queen.

Former Justice Minister Cathy Jamieson takes over as interim leader of the party, though shadow finance minister Wendy Alexander is almost certain to succeed Mr McConnell, with the new leader in place by the end of next month. Sources confirmed today that both former Health Minister Andy Kerr and former Parliament Minister Margaret Curran had ruled themselves out.

The only uncertainty is whether another candidate will stand to ensure there is a contest, with suggestions that Edinburgh North and Leith MSP Malcolm Chisholm may throw his hat in the ring.

Ms Alexander said: "The whole of Scotland owes Jack McConnell an enormous debt of gratitude. This is the right moment for myself, the Labour Party and Scotland to say thank you."

Ms Alexander would not be drawn on her own future other than to say: "It is Jack's moment and there will be plenty of time to talk about the future."

Tributes to Mr McConnell's reign as Labour leader came from across the political spectrum.

First Minister Alex Salmond said: "I extend Jack McConnell every good wish for the future.

"He once said that the job of First Minister was to leave Scotland a better place than he found it. With the smoking ban and his work in Malawi he has certainly done that.

"Addressing Scotland's poor public health record and extending Scotland's horizons abroad will also be regarded as substantial achievements."

Scots Tory leader Annabel Goldie said: "Whilst the Scottish Conservatives and Jack McConnell disagreed on many aspects of domestic policy, we never doubted his wholehearted commitment to devolution, to the Scottish Parliament and to Scotland.

"As First Minister he discharged his responsibilities with diligence and tackled all his challenges with assiduous determination.

"We wish him well for the future as he takes on new and exciting challenges which are clearly close to his heart."

Scottish Liberal Democrats leader Nichol Stephen added: "To be First Minister of a coalition government of two parties was a difficult challenge.

"Jack McConnell was prepared to put aside narrow party political dogma to seek to build consensus on a positive way forward for Scotland."

Mr McConnell's predecessor Henry McLeish, who quit as First Minister in 2001 in the "Officegate" affair, said Mr McConnell had given the Scottish Parliament "status" and "legitimacy".

He acknowledged Wendy Alexander was the front-runner to succeed Mr McConnell.

"I think she is the favourite and I think she would be a good choice.

"That doesn't mean to say there should not be alternatives," he said.

She had a "formidable" intellect and had matured over the last decade.

"I suspect people grow into a job and if Wendy is successful, she will take Labour hopefully in a different direction.

"The good thing is she has the confidence of Westminster - the main thing is she should not be too much dictated to by that."

Mr McConnell's replacement will be the fourth Scottish leader since 1999.

From sheep farm to top Scottish politician

BORN in Irvine in 1960, Jack McConnell grew up on a sheep farm in Arran before attending the University of Stirling, where he served as president of the Students Association.

He became a maths teacher before entering politics as a councillor in 1984, working his way up to become general secretary of the Scottish Labour Party in 1992.

In this role he managed Scottish Labour's 1997 Westminster election success and co-ordinated the party's "Yes Yes" devolution referendum campaign.

Following Henry McLeish's departure, he took over as First Minister in 2001.

Mr McConnell has been widely tipped to win a place in the House of Lords in the New Year's Honours list.

He is married to Bridget and has one daughter and a son.

His son Mark hit the headlines in 2006 when the Evening News revealed how Mark's friend Euan MacDonald had posted video footage of himself cavorting around the First Minister's official residence Bute House in a dressing gown.

MacDonald was forced to apologise for filming the footage and posting it on the internet without telling Mark.

£60 million scheme to help with education and health

BILL CLINTON and Tom Hunter launched the Clinton Hunter Development Initiative (CHDI) in Malawi's capital Lilongwe in 2006.

The scheme will invest around £60 million over ten years in Malawi and Rwanda to help local communities develop a sustainable economy through support for education, health, water and sanitation.

Mr McConnell will lead research and project development on educational services in both countries.

He was behind an agreement with Malawi in 2005 that involved Scotland offering practical help to the African nation in areas such as health, education, and economic development.

The two countries have ties going back 150 years to the work of missionary and explorer David Livingstone.

Bruce Lindsey, chief executive of the Clinton Foundation and board member of CHDI, said: "The Clinton Foundation strongly supports CHDI's mission to promote economic growth in Rwanda and Malawi.

"As another step in that direction, we welcome Jack McConnell's generous contribution of his time and energy to work with local partners and identify programmes that can strengthen education in these countries."

Paladin awards major contracts for Malawi uranium mine construction

Making good its plans to roll out the Kayelekera Uranium mine in Malawi, Australian-based Paladin has put pen to paper on three major contracts for the development of the controversial project.

Author: Frank Jomo
Posted: Wednesday , 15 Aug 2007

Blantyre -

Paladin Resources Limited (TSX, ASX:PDN), announced today that it has awarded the engineering, procurement and construction-management (EPCM) contract to Johannesburg based mining and minerals engineering firm - Engineering and Projects Company (E&PC) - as the Project Engineers.

Paladin has also awarded the mining and earthworks contracts to a Portuguese based international earthmoving and construction consortium, Mota Engil Engineering Company, well known in Malawi for undertaking large construction projects. The company has been in the country for fifteen years and boasts of 55 years experience of construction in Africa.

Mota Engil has been involved with the Kayelekera project for some time now. It has been establishing the 11kilometer branch road to the project site and preparing all lay down areas for the anticipated equipment arrival.

In addition, Mota Engil has started preparing the site for the 800-person construction camp, currently being transported from Namibia's Langer Heinrich where Paladin has also uranium mining operations.

Paladin says it anticipates that the construction company will be ready to commence the civil earthworks for the project by the end of August. The company further says major mining equipment orders are also in place and that delivery is expected in late 2007, in readiness for mining pre-strip operations to commence.

One item of equipment expected for delivery late this year is the on-site 10MW power generation facility for electricity supply. The Kayelekera project seemed gridlocked with reports that the country's sole electricity supplier - Electricity Supply Corporation of Malawi (Escom) would not be constructing major power distribution infrastructure to the mining site due to financial constraints.

However Paladin assured its shareholders that it would still roll out the Kayelekera project in the fourth quarter of 2008 as planned because it would not rely on grid power, rather on on-site diesel power generation.

The company adds in its announcement today that following the award of these major contracts plus the finalization of Project Labour Agreement with the Malawian workforce Community Forums, the tempo for the project development is increasing rapidly.

"Worker recruitment programs have been initiated and there are already 200 employees active on site," reads part of the release. "This number is expected to peak at around 1, 000 during the construction period."

But despite these developments as chronicled by the company, the Kayelekera project remains a controversial one in the country. Civil Society organizations have taken Paladin to court for not doing enough to address the issue of radioactivity and how it would protect people around the mine from the same.

However the company has a massive support from the Malawi government which is keen to see the company roll out the project.

Budget discussions under way in Malawi

Blantyre - Malawian lawmakers finally kicked off a budget debate on Tuesday after a one-and-a-half month stalemate and a threat from the president that he would dissolve parliament.

"The government bench started the debate after mediation efforts," parliamentary spokesperson Leonard Mengezi told AFP. "The MPs will debate the budget for 21 days before approving it."

Mengezi said the powerful opposition, which has flatly refused to debate the budget over the past weeks, remained quiet in the House and did not contribute to the debate.

"There will be hiccups here and there, but this is a good sign that debate has finally started," said Mengezi, in reference to the political stand-off.

The debate began after President Bingu wa Mutharika threatened earlier Tuesday to dissolve the House within two days if debate failed to take place.

Mutharika and the opposition have been at loggerheads for weeks over the budget debate, with opposition deputies calling for the expulsion of 41 lawmakers who defected to government benches before the debate can proceed.

Mutharika, who is often undermined by the country's powerful opposition, said the 193-member House had "abrogated its responsibility and become irrelevant for the development of this country." - Sapa-AFP

Why African leaders should learn to let go

The political chapter opening up in Nigeria should interest every African leader. It also deserves the attention of those who have exited power. It is the signal that the African political situation is changing fast. It could also be the compass pointing out the fact that the era of ruling by proxy, long after exiting power, is fading. The new President of Africa’s most populous nation, whose citizens constitute a fifth of the black race, is fighting tooth and nail to wriggle himself out of the shadow of his predecessor successor, Mr Olusegun Obasanjo. President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua owes the seat to Obasanjo who kicked out, and even almost jailed his Vice President, to clear the way for him. He strode to Aso Rock as Obasanjo’s chosen successor. But in the recent weeks his actions have stirred the political arena. Last week he ordered the suspension of a multi-million dollar contract dished out by his predecessor for the setting up of 774 medical clinics across the West African state. His spokesman said the contract was being put on hold because of the ‘illegality’ that it was financed through illegitimate deductions from civic authorities. It was as if the Government could not legitimise the ‘process’, Yar’Adua was clearly sending the message he was Mr President. Earlier he reversed the controversial sale of two refineries to a business consortium linked to Obasanjo. Watching on the sidelines with glee are six former Nigerian Presidents. The paradox has fascinated many Nigerians. Given the experience of the last election, Kenyans too are familiar with Obasanjo’s move. Obasanjo joins the league of African leaders who manipulated the electoral process, after failing to knock off the constitutional ceiling to their tenure, to ensure their puppet won. His name stands out among those who instead of building good legacy, strove to ‘succeed’ themselves by picking chosen successors, from the family, class or coterie of friends. They never had the intention of letting the will of the sovereign majority win. They never planned for peaceful and uneventful retirement. The fear of course is the fact that the incumbent Presidents have so many skeletons in their closets and they live in the fear that much as they sweep them away, a few of them might be unearthed once out of office. For Obasanjo, the bigger shame is how he defiantly and corruptly disposed of state property as the sun set on his regime. But Obasanjo is not the only one mesmerised by the urge to hold onto power outside office through tutelage and patronage. Failing to alter the constitution to allow him to run for a third term in 2001, former Zambian President Fredrick Chiluba opted for the lesser evil. He picked Mr Levy Mwanawasa, a lawyer, as his successor. Mwanawasa won and went ahead to parade Chiluba and his friends in court. In Malawi, President Bakili Muluzi picked UN economist Mr Bingu wa Mutharika as his successor in 2004. He lived to regret, for he lost control over him when he won. In Libya and Egypt the aging incumbents are grooming their sons to take over, probably convinced you cannot trust anyone outside the bloodline. When Africa’s longest serving President, Gnassingbe Eyadema of Togo died, the mantle quickly went to his son. Across the border Yoweri Museveni is working hard to be Uganda’s President for life despite having promised in 2001 he was contesting the last term. Officially his term ends in 2011. The club of African leaders inebriated by power is big but the continent is changing fast. The era of monastic and imperialistic tendencies is crumbling.

Malawi Supreme Court overules injunction

:: The Southern African

Wednesday, 08 August 2007

President Bingu wa Mutharika LILONGWE – As the tug-of-war continues between President Bingu wa Mutharika’s government and the opposition, the Supreme Court stepped in to overturn an injunction by the High Court that stalled parliamentary sessions until a budget dispute was cleared up. On Sunday, opposition MPs, led by former president, Bakili Muluzi’s United Democratic Front (UDF), were granted the injunction, apparently seeking to stall debate on the national budget. The order was overturned on Wednesday after the Attorney-General argued in court that parliament should be allowed to meet and approve the budget that has been delayed by a political row over the defection of opposition MPs to the ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP). Earlier this week, police raided the home of Judge Joseph Mwanyungwe, who issued the injunction barring the speaker of parliament from reconvening the house. UDF MP, Leonard Mangulama and independent MP, Gerald Mponda obtained the injunction on Sunday. Opposition MPs have been refusing to discuss the budget unless some 70 odd legislators who switched to President Mutharika’s party are expelled. News of the injunction prompted demonstrations in which people threw stones at the parliament building and barricaded the MPs inside for more than five hours. The current political impasse began in June, when the Supreme Court ruled that the speaker of parliament can expel MPs who switch parties. Most members of Mutharika's party were elected on the ticket of the UDF. Mutharika also won elections for the UDF, but left to set up the DPP, accusing UDF officials of blocking his anti-corruption drive

Candle burning in the storm
by ADMIN (8/1/2007)

The people have spoken. And Chinua Achebe, the writer of Things Fall Apart, that beautiful novel which Benedicto Malunga has translated into Chipasupasu is wise. "No man is greater than his people," he speaks in the novel. Bright Molande, a correspondent writes.

All eyes saw him; the cameras could not lie. Flanked by ecstatic lawmakers whose hollow laughter rose into the darkening sky over the gathering storm, one elderly man trudged out of the Parliament Chambers almost drenched. These are eyes of 13 million souls in search of a candle that stands flickering in the storm.

Shoulders sunk, yet suppressing a smile, eyes upon his feet that have walked in and out of the chambers for almost half a century, 43 years. Perhaps, he was pondering his fate before his idol "Big Man" who has tactfully stayed out of eyesight like a god of the storm.

This living symbol and spirit of the Kamuzu Banda dictatorship times, now serving some hidden irrational force, John Tembo drove his political ship to a dead crush against the people of Malawi today by wrecking the budget. Wrecking hearts of the people to hopelessness. The opposition has worked tirelessly since 2004 to see this national tragedy, now we know.

Political suicide

Clearly, the leader of opposition Tembo is caught in the storm of Bakili Muluzi’s wisdom, if wisdom. Muluzi has become the leader of opposition bona fide.

It is Muluzi who coined the second motion of discussing Section 65 and the budget concurrently. He announced it on landing at Chileka Airport. Remember? Tembo took it to the House of Assembly like a loyal servant.

Like the faithful sheep of the Lord, some men of God, the entire Synod of Blantyre followed this wisdom to the letter and spirit too. Yet, something smelt bad out of the egg before it hatched.

How can a single group discuss two different issues, which they agree are separate, concurrently—two issues along with each other at the same time? Carefully crafted confusion this.

Suppose that motion had passed. How would the august House continue to be discussing Section 65 with the injunction restraining the Speaker, an injunction which is a quest for justice? They would have to get it lifted first. That would never be easy.

Yet, the worst danger is that Muluzi is like a suicide bomber. He politically destroys himself together with all those who follow him. All political heavyweights he attracts end up only seduced to their destruction, in his political self-destruction.

Chakufwa Chihana was the first to rise and follow Muluzi, and that was the beginning of his end. He crashed into a political grave. It was the end of the once mighty Alliance for democracy (Aford), a party that has become so blind in direction and bankrupt in values that they fight in the church, in memoriam of Chihana.

After falling out with Muluzi, Brown Mpinganjira reduced himself to pitching his tattered political tent on the foot of BCA Hill where it never stops raining politically. Now Mpinganjira lives in the doldrums, sitting on a political veranda of a falling house he cannot completely enter. It will take him some 10 years to remake himself as presidential candidate. He will need to think hard to salvage himself before Malawians completely write him off.

And after that deep fall, Gwanda Chakuamba fell again into the luring of Muluzi who is politically acidic. Now all reasoning Malawians laugh every time Chakuamba speaks.

Now, it is Tembo’s turn come round recoiling him like a deadly python. Politically, Tembo is bigger than Muluzi because he has political muscles. But he is losing political wings with which he could fly into 2009, wings which Muluzi lost because of what perceptive analysts see as his "lack of succession of leadership plan" that led to imposing a man he could not drag by the nose.

At the height of his power in opposition, Tembo nose-dived to plunge into the comforting hands of the fallen. He plunged into self-destruction. Of course, the younger blood in MCP is clapping and cheering him on to his self-destruction (and he naively thinks that means support). They salivate for his downfall so that they can take over the ship when he has completely swam deep into these hot stormy waters. That too is party politics. "Cracks in the Wall" of the party.

Uphill path to 2009

Unfortunately, Tembo is destroying himself together with the MCP. He is seen to be mobilising the aspirations of the party against development, against needs of the people, the voters. Yet, the fact is, some MPs in the party cannot speak and clap him on out of fear. Not every MP in MCP has his or her conscience inwardly sworn against the needs of the people, the progressive budget. Too much fear breeds misery in the land.

But indeed, Muluzi reasons like a suicide bomber. The death of UDF is becoming the death of MCP. Even Muluzi’s intention to stand again in 2009 was not necessarily based in believing that he can win. He knows well. His logic has been to destroy Bingu at all cost, whatever it takes, as long as Bingu falls. Yet, this has not been the thinking of the entire party.

When Sam Mpasu and Friday Jumbe were publicly contradicting their Muluzi in arguing that the collective position of the party was "to focus on rebuilding the party" in posing for 2009 elections, they also meant the Muluzi propensity for vengeance is not rebuilding but destroying the party.

In Muluzi’s "stand again" intentions, the strategy was therefore to divide Bingu’s votes in the South and make Tembo’s Central Region (where he has been commanding until his Section 65/Budget Tragedy) votes outnumber those of Bingu. This is what initially appealed to Tembo to drift towards Muluzi, that is, before all these flying allegations of receiving millions from his "Big Man".

Tembo thought he was strategising for 2009 elections. But he forgot one thing; that he was selling his political soul to the control of a man who is in a self-destructive mode, a Muluzi whose deadliest enemy are his own negative motives.

Tembo’s blunting wisdom reasoned that his success lies in a man whose political towers now lie in ruins of memory. This error of judgment was a grievous fault, and grievously has Tembo paid for it. He has delivered his electorate en mass to Bingu and the DPP by carelessly trampling where the wise tread—the budget. This is then the greatest paradox of pursuing Section 65.

In intending to punish the MPs who were "snatched" from the UDF, to claim "our stolen votes" as they say, they are giving more 2009 votes to Bingu and the DPP. The pursuit of Section 65 is not based on reason and logically it is politically abortive, self-destructive and ill-conceived. All those who have said "NO" to budget have committed political homicide, and political suicide eventually.

Martin Luther King was right: "Evil men plot, but wise men plan". While the UDF and MCP are plotting, hiding behind constitutionalism, blackmailing government and dangling the double-hooked bait of the budget to ambush the DPP with the cutlass of Section 65, losing popularity in their political homicide in so doing, the DPP is responding by planning and gaining ground towards 2009.

Towards party ideology

The best winning strategy for MCP should have been detaching itself from the dying UDF and supporting development, and this does not precisely mean joining the DPP. We still need an opposition for our democracy. They would retain their supporting grassroots who equally need development like all Malawians.

One problem is, the opposition in Malawi does not know its mandate. The mandate of the opposition anywhere in the world can only stop at critiquing government, capitalising and building on the weaknesses of the ruling while making recommendations that are popular with the electorate. But the opposition in Malawi wants to rule before expiry of the five-year term. Really, the mandates of our three major parties—MCP, UDF and DPP are deeply stuck in the contexts of their formation. MCP is aged and fast needs regeneration; UDF was transitionary and needs refocusing while DPP is young (and progressive) but needs to deepen its roots.

Now UDF has returned to its role of a pressure group because its leadership is failing to accept that history cannot be reversed and refocus its energies. It was initially a united front fighting for democratic change. It has leader gifted with mobilising a front to fight wars, even if it means mobilising his enemies to the frontier. This is what some analysts wrongly see as Muluzi’s negotiating prowess, which they believe is missing in Bingu.

In his 2003 interview with the BBC Robin White, the then NDA Brown Mpinganjira did not only swear never to work with Muluzi seven times, but he also said: "Muluzi is a good strategist who calculates every move he makes. The trouble with Muluzi is that he expends his energies in a negative direction." Yes, with negative motives too,

Backward Flight.

Unfortunately, this time he is fighting a wrong war—a war against the people. That is what mobilising the last energies of Tembo to fight the progressive "pro-poor budget" amounts to.

Nothing sensible to talk about Aford, not even a complete sentence.

But MCP is wrongly living its principle of "stability". And in a self-destructive manner too. The party is literally failing to progress with the wishes and changing needs of the people. Tembo’s voters need cheap fertiliser—now or never! By promising in advance Salima months ago that "the opposition would reject the budget this year"—way before the budget was ready, he has killed his political career with three shots.

First, Tembo has undermined his claim that he is the genius behind "universal fertiliser subsidy" because a man with such wisdom and human welfare at heart cannot mobilise the holy constitutional spirit that shoots down the budget of the people.

Secondly, he has betrayed that the present rejection of budget is a long premeditated crime against the people. Indeed, it has been being premeditated from 2004 as a way of punishing Bingu for bowing out of the UDF and forming his own DPP. That is why Section 65 and its related court injunction against the Speaker is not the cause, and cannot be the cause of the rejection of the people’s (our) budget.

Section 65 is a bluff set to blindfold all of us who support the spirit of constitutionalism into supporting someone’s hidden motive. But hidden motives are consistently of an evil nature and harmful. Or else, why hide a pure motive meant for the common good?

As long as Section 65 and the injunction against the Speaker are not the real causes behind the rejection of our budget, then, it does not follow that the lifting of that injunction will mean the passing of the budget.

Someone’s political algebra was: let us fool the people into supporting our hidden motive (the unknown) behind what the courts, civil society, and the media will agree is a necessity for democracy. The last fellow I remember applying this logic waited for Adam and Eve to go hungry (waited for a necessity to come), told them a needed truth that if they ate a particular fruit they would know what is good from what is bad.

But the Biblical Lucifer immediately followed it with a hidden lie for a hidden motive that all will be well. Nothing went well ever after, not even for fellow himself who fell to the deepest depths where upon landing he said: "Better be a king in Hell than a slave in Heaven", as Paradise Lost dramatises the story.

The opposition reasoning is Lucifer’s Logic or daemonic political logic because it parades the face of good (the Constitution) to implement a social evil, that is a hidden motive meant to serve vengeance rather than the common good of society. The last people I expect to allow themselves to be duped are servants of God leading a Church Synod.

There is a fundamental difference between a reason or cause (the real motive) of an action and an excuse, a scapegoat, indeed a bluff. Rational human behaviour demands that we must perceptively trace and respond to the real motives rather than quarrelling around a mere bluff —Section 65. Yet, most analysts are responding to Section 65 instead of the root cause. Curing symptoms.

Tembo has allowed himself to be deceived into losing the 2009 elections because he wants to maintain the status quo in the party. He wrongly wants to rule but cannot allow reason to rule in the party. He is a symbol of stability himself, which does go together with social change and progress. And too much stability becomes reactionary. Stability is a contradiction to progress.

Search for Reason

With Preident Mutharika’s leadership, the DPP is truly living its principle of being progressive. It means moving to new political frontiers, meaning taking risks. Section 65 is a big risk, and anyone crossing the floor means taking this risk. But without risks, there can never be progress.

Again, the DPP government has been extremely good at testing the Constitution—a necessary measure in the growth of our democracy, which others wrongly deem as being unconstitutional. The UDF regime made it, now it is being tested. And the Constitution needed this testing for it to mature, now we know its weaknesses more than ever.

We have tested and found Section 65 wanting for example. Indeed, there cannot be any member of any "party represented in Parliament" at the "time of elections" (Section 65) while the Parliament is "stands dissolved" during the general elections (Section 67). The House of Assembly does not exist during general elections until the elected candidates have to become MPs upon swearing in. Which Parliament is Section 65 talking about indeed? We need the Constitutional Review to consider this seriously again.

To some, point out weaknesses in the Constitution is sacrilege. It needs not be. We cannot live as though people or democracy were made for the Constitution when, in fact, the Constitution was made for human welfare.

This storm is a major redefinition of our democracy. The way people have spoken on the budget, now MPs know what "people power" means. But those who have rejected the budget will truly know in 2009—never to take the electorate for granted. That is what democracy must be.

Now that the people have spoken, parliamentarians must now learn to exist and conduct themselves for a reason—the people.

-The Nation

Malawi cuts bank interest rate on lower inflation

Wed 1 Aug 2007, 13:30 GMT

[-] Text [+]

BLANTYRE (Reuters) - Malawi's central bank cut its bank rate to 17.5 percent from 20 percent on Wednesday, citing falling inflation and a strong economic turnaround.

"We have noticed a general improvement in economic fundamentals, with inflation going down and strong growth since the last revision," Maria Muwamba, Reserve Bank of Malawi spokeswoman, told Reuters.

The move was the first reduction in the bank rate in three years.

Good maize harvests have helped drive down inflation in the impoverished southern African nation, with the headline number easing to 7.7 percent year-on-year in June from 7.9 percent in May.

Inflation fell to single digits for the first time in four years in January this year.

The Reserve Bank of Malawi in March forecast the economy to grow by 5.6 percent in 2007, down from 8.5 percent last year.

Analysts welcomed the rate cut, which came into effect on Wednesday.

"It is a timely move, which we think will greatly assist to accelerate the pace of lending by the financial system," said Andy Kulugomba, head of Treasury and Finance at Nedbank Malawi.

Malawi is enjoying a bumper maize harvest for the second consecutive year, partly attributed to the government reintroducing input subsidies after scrapping them in 1996.

According to official data, the country has a surplus of 1.3 million tonnes of maize this season, up from 400,000 tonnes in the 2005/06 season, despite problems in some regions following flooding.

Food inflation accounts for 58.1 percent of the country's Consumer Price Index